Friday, February 28, 2020

Baasha and Ahab




 elijah being chased by king ahab

 
by
 
Damien F. Mackey
 


 
 
Part One:
Reprising my earlier Baasha view
 
 
 
Baasha of Israel is so Ahab-like that I feel it necessary to return to an old theory of mine,
once written up but then discarded, due to complications, that Baasha was Ahab.
 
 
 
Previously I had written on this:
 
What triggered this article was the apparent chronological problem associated with the reign of King Baasha, thought to have been the third ruler of Israel after Jeroboam I and his son, Nadab.
There is a definite problem with King Baasha of Israel, who bursts onto the biblical scene during discussion in the First Book of Kings about Jeroboam I’s wicked son, Nadab (15:27), and who, though he (Baasha) is said to have reigned for 24 years (15:33), is actually found as king of Israel from Asa of Judah’s 3rd to 36th years (cf. 15:33; 2 Chronicles 16:1), that is, for 33 years. Thus we have the headache for chronologists of their having to account for how Baasha - although he should have been dead by about the 26th year of King Asa - could have invaded Asa’s territory about a decade after that, in Asa’s 36th year (2 Chronicles 16:1).
 
While some can offer no explanation at all for this, P. Mauro, who has complete faith in the biblical record (and with good reason, of course), has ingeniously tried to get around the problem as follows (The Wonders of Bible Chronology, Reiner, p. 48):
 
 
Baasha's Invasion of Judah
 
In 2 Chron. 16: 1-3 it is stated that "in the six and thirtieth year of the reign of Asa, Baasha, king of Israel, came up against Judah." But the 36th year of Asa would be nine years after the death of Baasha, this being what Lightfoot referred to in speaking of "Baasha fighting nine years after he was dead." The Hebrew text, however, says, not that it was the 36th year of the reign of Asa, as in our A. V., but that it was the 36th year of the kingdom of Asa. So it is evident that the reckoning here is from the beginning of the separate kingdom of Judah. Hence the invasion of Judah by Baasha would be in the 16th year of Asa, and the 13th of his own reign, as tabulated [in Mauro’s lists].
[End of quote]
 
Whilst Mauro may be correct here - and I had initially accepted his explanation as being the best way out of this dilemma - I now personally would favour quite a different interpretation; one that is far more radical, greatly affecting the early history of northern Israel. I now consider Mauro’s albeit well-intentioned explanation to be splitting hairs: the ‘reign’ and ‘kingdom’ of Asa being surely one and the same thing, and so I think that it is not, as he says, “evident that the reckoning here is from the beginning of the separate kingdom of Judah”. It clearly refers to Asa (a sub-set of Judah) and not to Judah. My explanation now would be that Baasha of Israel was in fact reigning during the 36th year of King Asa of Judah, and that Baasha and Ahab were one and the same king. I came to this conclusion based on, firstly the distinct parallels between Baasha and Ahab; and, secondly, the parallels between their supposed two phases of the history of Israel, especially with Zimri, on the one hand, and Jehu - whom Jezebel actually calls “Zimri” (2 Kings 9:31) - on the other; and, thirdly, on the very similar words of a prophet in relation to the eventual fall of the House of Baasha and to the House of Ahab (cf. 1 Kings 16:4; 21:24). I had previously thought, as other commentators customarily do as well - and necessarily, based on the standard chronology that has Zimri reigning some 40 years before Jehu - that Queen Jezebel was just being scornful when she had called Jehu, ‘Zimri”, likening him to a former regicide; for Jehu was indeed a regicide (2 Kings 9:23-28). But I have recently changed my mind on this and I now believe that the queen was actually calling Jehu by his name, “Zimri”.
 
So, the basis for this article will be the likenesses of Baasha and his house to Ahab and his house, and the reforming work of Jehu now as Zimri. But also the words of a prophet in relation to the eventual fall of the House of Baasha (the prophet Jehu son of Hanani), and of the House of Ahab (the prophet Elijah). From this triple foundation, I shall arrive at a re-casted history of early northern Israel that I think will actually throw some useful light on my earlier revisions of this fascinating period.
It will mean that the scriptural narrative, as we currently have it, presents us with more of a problem than merely that of aligning Baasha with the 36th year of Asa (which will now cease to be a problem).
 
This history must be significantly re-cast.
 
What has happened, I now believe, is that these were originally two different accounts, presumably by different scribes using alternative names for the central characters, of the same historical era.
Since then, translators and commentators have come to imagine that the narratives were about two distinctly different periods of Israel’s history, and so they presented them as such, even at times adjusting the information and dates to fit their preconceived ideas. So, apparently (my interpretation), some of the narrative has become displaced, with the result that we now appear to have two historical series where there should be only one, causing a one-sided view of things and with key characters emerging from virtually nowhere: thus Baasha, as we commented above, but also the prophet Elijah, who springs up seemingly from nowhere (in 17:1).
Admittedly, one can appreciate how such a mistake might have been made. The use of different names can be confusing, retrospectively, for those who did not live in, or near to, those early times. It will be my task here to attempt to merge the main characters with whom I now consider to be their alter egos, in order to begin to put the whole thing properly together again - at least in a basic fashion, to pave the way for a more complete synthesis in the future.
My new explanation will have the advantage, too, of taking the pressure off the required length of the life of Ben-hadad I, a known contemporary of Ahab’s, who must also be involved in a treaty with king Asa of Judah against (the presumedly earlier than Ahab) king Baasha of Israel (1 Kings 15:18-21). The same Ben-hadad I will later be forced to make a treaty with Ahab, after the latter had defeated him in war (20:34).
Whilst my explanation will manage to do away with one apparent contradiction, Baasha still reigning in Asa’s 36th year when it seems, mathematically, that he could not have been, my theory does encounter a new contradiction from 1 Kings 21:22, where the prophet Elijah tells Ahab that his house will become “like the house of Jeroboam son of Nebat, and like the house of Baasha son of Ahijah”, as if the house of Baasha and Ahab were quite distinct and separated in time. My bold explanation for this is that the original text (21:22) would have simply threatened the house of Ahab with the same fate as that of Jeroboam’s house, but that an editor, basing himself on Jehu’s denunciation of Baasha in 16:4, thought that this too needed to be included in 21:22 as a separate issue, not realising that Baasha’s house was Ahab’s house. The way the narrative reads, with Baasha’s early arrival on the scene, he is not recorded as having done sufficient evil deeds, one might think, to have warranted so severe a condemnation from the prophet Jehu son of Hanani – until, that is, Baasha is ‘filled out’ with the wicked deeds of his alter ego, king Ahab.
 
But with Baasha now (in my scheme) completely removed from roughly the first half of king Asa of Judah’s long reign of 41 years (15:10), what will now fill that apparent void?
….
 
 
Part Two:
Baasha and Ahab compare quite favourably
 
 
 
 
Baasha’s sudden irruption onto the scene has its later ‘justification’,
I would suggest, in the far more detailed biography of Ahab.
 
 
 
As to reign length, we have almost a perfect match in that Baasha reigned for 24 years (I King 15:33) and Ahab for 22 (16:29).
But that becomes quite a perfect match when we further realise that Baasha reigned for 2 years at Tirzah.
Though, in conventional terms, Samaria (at the time of Baasha) was not yet a capital city, according to my revision it would already have been. And king Ahab of Israel is said specifically to have reigned for 22 years “in Samaria”.
Putting it all together, we get Baasha’s 2 years at Tirzah, and then a further 22 years (making his total 24 years); 22 years being the length of Ahab’s reign.
In other words, Baasha-Ahab (if it is the same person) reigned for 2 years at Tirzah, and then for 22 years at Samaria, a total of 24 years of reign.
 
This must have been after Ahab’s presumed father, Omri, had built Samaria (16:24).
I say ‘presumed’, because I have, in my related articles:
 
Great King Omri missing from Chronicles
 
 
and:
Omri and Tibni
 
 
followed T. Ishida in his view that the Bible does not mention a House of Omri, but does refer to one of Ahab, thereby allowing for me to make the tentative suggestion that Ahab was probably related to Omri only though marriage.
And that would further allow now for Ahab’s direct father to be, not Omri, but - as Baasha’s father: “Ahaziah of the house of Issachar” (1 Kings 15:27). In “Omri and Tibni” I had noted (T. Ishida’s view) the possibility of Ahab’s connection to Issachar:
 

Tomoo Ishida instead suggested that the narrative of dynastic instability in the Kingdom of Israel suggests an underlying rivalry between tribes for its throne.[1] In the biblical narrative, the House of Jeroboam was from the Tribe of Ephraim, while the House of Baasha was from the Tribe of Issachar.[1] The Omrides are connected in this narrative with the city of Jezreel, where they maintained a second palace. According to the Book of Joshua, Jezreel was controlled by the Tribe of Issachar. Ishida views the narrative as suggesting that the Omrides themselves were members of the Tribe of Issachar.[1] ....
 
I would modify this, though, to say instead, not “the Omrides”, but the Ahabites “were members of the Tribe of Issachar”.
 

Monday, February 17, 2020

Solomon as ruler of Hazor



The commerce of King Solomon - Bible
 by
 
Damien F. Mackey
  
 
Part One:
Jabin 3 of Hazor
  
 
 
 
If Hammurabi is to be re-dated to the era of David and Solomon, why is the city of Hazor,
at this time, in the hands of one Jabin, a long-standing name for Canaanite rulers of Hazor?
  
 
 
Whilst the conventional placement of Hammurabi of Babylon and Zimri-Lim of Mari in the early-to-mid C18th BC is to be rejected, as far as I am concerned, the relocation of these two kings to the time of Joshua (C15th BC) would seem to be, in the case of the contemporaneous Jabin of Hazor, at least, more appropriate than the era of David and Solomon (c. C10th BC) that I have adopted following Dean Hickman (“The Dating of Hammurabi”, Proc. 3rd Seminar of Catastrophism and Ancient History, Uni. of Toronto, 1985, 13-28).
 
The reason for this is that there is evidence in the Mari tablets at this time of a Jabin of Hazor, a third king of this name, following on from the one at the time of Joshua (11:1) - let us call him Jabin (1) - and a second one at the time of Deborah and Barak (Judges 4:2) - Jabin (2).
Jabin (3) now emerges as Ibni-Addu (Akkadian) of Hazor at the time of kings Hammurabi and Zimri-Lim.
That name (Ibni-Addu) would be, in Hebrew: Yabni-el. The very name emerges some time later in the El Amarna [EA] records, variously as Yabniel and as Yapa-addu (EA #97 and #98).
 
At first glance, this situation (of a Jabin ruling over Hazor at this time) seems to be highly problematical for Dean Hickman’s thesis – which, however, I have found to have worked so well until now. See for example my article:
 
Hammurabi and Zimri-Lim as Contemporaries of Solomon
 
 
Since the ‘destruction’ of Jabin of Hazor at the time of Deborah and Barak (Judges 4:23-24), the site should have fallen under the jurisdiction of Israel. And that situation would have continued until, and including, the time of David and Solomon – which is the era I consider (following Dean Hickman) to synchronise with Hammurabi, Zimri-Lim, and the Mari archive.
 
So I must conclude that the only hope of salvaging D. Hickman’s thesis is to identify Jabin (3) of Hazor with King Solomon himself. And that would not seem to be immediately promising, considering that the two predecessors of Jabin (3) of Hazor were both hostile to Israel.
 
What would King Solomon be doing adopting a name like Jabin, or Yabni?
 
To my own surprise, there is a name amongst the seven legendary names of King Solomon:
 
“Midrashic Tradition tells us that King Solomon appears in the Bible under several different names. His parents, King David and Batsheba, named him Shlomo, while the prophet Natan named him Yedidyah (see II Sam. 12:24-25). Actually, the name Shlomo was already given to him before his birth in a prophecy to King David (see I Chron. 22:9). Two of the twenty-four books in the Bible open by explicitly ascribing their authorship to Shlomo: Shir HaShirim (Song of Songs) and Mishlei (Proverbs). A third book, Kohelet (Ecclesiastes), ascribes itself to somebody named Kohelet, son of David, king of Jerusalem. According to tradition, Kohelet is another name for Solomon. So far, we have three names for King Solomon.
 
The early Amora, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi adds another four names to this list.  …” [,]
 
that can serve to bring a completely new perspective - and in favour of Dean Hickman’s thesis - to the conventional view that Mari’s Jabin of Hazor belonged to the C18th BC, and also to Dr. Courville’s view that this Jabin was the one at the time of Joshua.
 
 
Part Two:
Solomon was also named Jabin
 
Could King Solomon be the Ibni-Addu [or Jabin] king of Hazor
as referred to in the Akkadian tablet ARM VI, 236?
 
 
To suggest that would seem to be a very long stretch indeed, given that the Mari tablets are conventionally dated to c. 1800 BC, and given also that the kings Jabin of Hazor were Canaanite kings inimical to the Hebrews, whether of the Joshuan or the Judges eras.
 
What, however, makes far more plausible a connection between the Solomonic era and a king referred to in the Mari tablets is Dean Hickman’s thesis - previously considered - that the Mari archives, Zimri-Lim, and king Hammurabi of Babylon, must be re-dated to the actual time of King Solomon. 
 
What makes even more possible a connection between King Solomon and King Ibni (Yabni) of Hazor at this particular time is the fact that Solomon had built up the important city of Hazor (I Kings 9:15): “Here is the account of the forced labour King Solomon conscripted to build the Lord’s Temple … Hazor, Megiddo and Gezer”.
 
But, if Solomon were this Yabni, or Jabin, why would he not be mentioned as “of Jerusalem”?
 
Well, geographically the Mari tablets do not go further SW than Hazor, which is in fact “the only Canaanite site mentioned in the archive discovered in Mari …”:
Similarly, the foremost king of the Syro-Mesopotamian region, the Amorite king, Iarim-Lim, is connected with Aleppo. He, I have argued, was David and Solomon’s loyal friend, referred to in the Bible as “Hiram king of Tyre” (e.g. I Chronicles 14:1).
It seems that kings of wide-ranging geographical rule were referred to by fellow monarchs in relation to the closest of their cities.
 
Hazor was, even as early as Joshua’s day, a city of immense importance (Joshua 11:10): “The Head of all those Kingdoms" (Joshua 11:10).
At a later time: “The Mari documents clearly demonstrate the importance, wealth and far-reaching commercial ties of Hazor”. http://www1.chapman.edu/~bidmead/G-Haz.htm
 
There is a lot to recommend the impressive Late Bronze Age Hazor as that which Solomon rebuilt: http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:142088/FULLTEXT01.pdf
Hazor’s role in an international Late Bronze Age context has long been indicated but never thoroughly investigated. This role, I believe, was more crucial than previously stressed. My assumption is based on the very large size of this flourishing city which, according to documents, possessed ancient traditions of diplomatic connections and trade with Mesopotamia in the Middle Bronze Age. Its strategic position along the most important N-S and E-W main trade routes, which connected Egypt with SyriaMesopotamia and the Mediterranean Sea with the city and beyond, promoted contacts. Hazor was a city-state in Canaan, a province under Egyptian domination [sic] and exploitation during this period, a position that also influenced the city’s international relations. Methodologically the thesis examines areas of the earlier and the renewed excavations at Hazor, with the aim of discussing the city’s interregional relations and cultural belonging based on external influences in architectural structures (mainly temples), imported pottery and artistic expressions in small finds, supported by written evidence. Cultic influences are also considered. Various origin and find contexts of the imported and culturally influenced material can be recognized, which imply three concepts in the field of interaction studies found within the framework of a modified World Systems Theory and also according to C. Renfrew’s Peer Polity Interaction model: 1) The northern influenced material at Hazor should be understood in the context of cultural identity. It continues from earlier periods and is maintained through external trade and the regional interaction between Canaanite city-states in the north, resulting in certain cultural homogeneity. 2) A centre-periphery approach is used to explain the special unequal relation between Canaan and Egypt, in which Hazor might have possessed an integrating semi-peripheral role, a kind of diplomatic position between Egypt and its northern enemies. The city’s loyalty to Egypt is hinted at in documents and in the increasing evidences of emulation in elite contexts appearing on the site. 3)
A model of ‘interregional interaction networks’ describes the organization of the trade which provided certain consumers at Hazor with the Aegean and Cypriote pottery and its desirable content.
The cargo of the Ulu Burun and Cape Gelidonya ships and documents show that luxury items were transited from afar through Canaan. Such long-distance trade / exchange require professional traders that established networks along the main trade route …”.
 
King Solomon, like Ibni-Addu (Jabin) of Hazor had great need of tin, which had become scarce in the Mediterranean at that time. Much has been written on this. For example:
 
Did British-Israeli Tin Trade Supply Solomon’s Temple?
Dr James E. Patrick - 28 November 2019
Scientists recently found evidence suggesting that Solomon’s Temple may have been built with bronze made from British tin. Late Bronze Age tin ingots found in Israel have been analysed and shown to have originated in the tin mines of Cornwall and Devon.
The Bible records Solomon sending trading ships to Tarshish, returning along the African coast (1Kings 10:22). Jonah fled on such a ship away from Nineveh, confirming that Tarshish was far to the west of Israel (Jonah 1:1-3). Ezekiel 27:12 later tells us that the wealth of Tarshish was ‘silver, iron, tin and lead’. The mineral-rich kingdom of Tartessos did exist in south-west Spain, but the tin it traded was not indigenous, coming instead by sea from Cornwall. Britain had supplied tin for bronze-making to all of Europe for centuries, hence its prosperity during the Bronze Age. As such, Britain would have traded tin with Israel using ‘ships of Tarshish’.
But that biblical detective work has now been confirmed with hard evidence. In the second-millennium BC, known as the Bronze Age, the name itself illustrates how widespread and important bronze was to societies all across Europe and the Middle East. Bronze is made from copper and tin, but tin is very rare in Europe and Asia, giving it a value and strategic importance in those times similar to oil today. ….
 
Traditionally, one of King Solomon’s seven names was Bin, thought to indicate:
“Bin = "he who built the Temple".”
A thirteenth century AD scholar translated this Bin as Yabni, which is our Jabin.
Whatever reason had prompted Solomon to take (or be given) this name - and it may have been simply because this had become the traditional name for a ruler of the city of Hazor - the choice of name is a most fortuitous one, for it perfectly describes the wise and discerning Solomon:
 
The name Jabin comes from the verb בין (bin) meaning to understand or have insight:
 
Jabin (Hebrew: יָבִין‎ Yāḇîn) is a Biblical name meaning 'discerner', or 'the wise'.
 
 
 

Thursday, February 13, 2020

The Shunammite and Pharaoh’s Daughter



Image result for hatshepsut

 
by
 
Damien F. Mackey
 
 
 
 
Given King Solomon’s special love for “Pharaoh’s daughter”, it would figure that she was the same as the beautiful “Shunammite” of the Song of Solomon (6:13).
 
Victor Sasson has come to this same conclusion, that the “Pharaoh’s daughter” was the desirable lady of the Song of Solomon (“King Solomon and the Dark Lady in the Song of Songs”, Vetus Testamentum, Vol. 39, Fasc. 4, Oct., 1989, pp. 407-414). Sasson describes her as being “Dark”, but I have already argued that this was due to her exposure to the sun, as she herself attested (Song 1:6), and not to her ethnicity – and were Egyptian women necessarily darker than Israelite ones, anyway?
On. p. 413, though, Sasson will make the point that: “In the Song the lady’s explanation … is best interpreted … to mean that her skin complexion was not black but that it was to a great extent the result of too much exposure to the sun. ...”.
 
Sasson begins on pp. 1-2:
 
One of the mysteries in the Song of Songs that have roused my curiosity for some time is the identity - or, rather, the poetic identity - of the lady who calls herself šěḥôrâ and šěḥarḥōret in i 5-6. Increasingly, I have come to conclude that the woman in question was Pharaoh's daughter whom Solomon loved and took for a wife. Since the Song has elicited so much amount of published discussion over the ages, I was not greatly surprised when I discovered that this theory was already put forward a long time ago by Theodore of Mopsuestia (5th century C.E.). ….
The Bible credits Solomon with being a great lover of women. The following verses from the books of Kings deserve to be quoted and examined. ….
 
Now King Solomon loved many foreign women: the daughter of Pharaoh, and Moabite, Ammonite, Edomite, Sidonian, and Hittite women.. Solomon clung to these in love.
Revised Standard Version, 1 Kgs xi 1-2). ….Vol. 39, Fasc. 4 (Oct., 1989), Vol. 39, Fasc. 4 (Oct., 1989
Vol. 39, Fasc. 4 (Oct., 1989), pp. 407-414
 
 
What is of significance here is that, while other foreign women whom Solomon loved are lumped together, Pharaoh's daughter is specially singled out.
The importance of Pharaoh's daughter in the personal history of Solomon is indicated by the fact that she is mentioned four times in 1 Kings (iii 1, vii 8, ix 24, xi 1-2).
In 1 Kgs iii 1 we are told of Solomon's marriage to her. The part of the verse that is of relevance here is: wybyʼh ʼl ‘yr dwd, “He brought her to the City of David”. (New English Bible). The significant element is, more specifically, the word wybyʼh. In the Song i 4 we read: "The King has brought me (hbyʼ ny) into his chambers”. (RSV). The occurrence of the verb hbyʼ cannot be merely coincidental. In fact, the verb is one of a number of literary links to the story of Solomon’s love for Pharaoh’s daughter (cf Song ii 4).
‘yr dwd mentioned in 1 Kings iii 1 is, of course, Jerusalem. In the Song the lady frequently addresses bnwt yrwšlm ("the daughters of Jerusalem") and they, in turn, address her or respond to her. This may be interpreted may be interpreted to mean that the woman was not a native of. Jerusalem. She appears to have been a foreigner, probably Pharaoh’s daughter whom Solomon brought to ‘yr dwd (Jerusalem). ….
 
The “Shunammite”
 
I have multi-identified her:
 
Abishag: “… a beautiful young woman … a Shunammite” (I Kings 1:3).
Tamar: Now David’s son Absalom had a beautiful sister named Tamar” (2 Samuel 13:1).
Shunammite: “… fairest among women” (Song of Solomon 1:8).
Queen of Sheba: King Solomon gave the queen of Sheba all she desired and asked for …” (I Kings 10:13).
Pharaoh’s Daughter: “Solomon made an alliance with Pharaoh king of Egypt and married his daughter” (I Kings 3:1).
Hatshepsut: Whose name means “foremost of noble women”.
 
Israel and Egypt were now united as one, with vast cultural exchanges occurring between the two.
 
Victor Sasson, whose article deserves to be read in its entirety, will make another point most relevant I think (from a geographical point of view) to my view that the Shunammite would become, for a period of time, the Queen of (Beer)sheba, of the southern kingdom of Geshur fronting on Egypt (p. 409, my emphasis):
 
In the Song iii 6 we read:
 
Who is this coming from the wilderness,
like a column of smoke,
perfumed with myrrh and frankincense,
with all the fragrant powders  of the merchant? ….
 
The word midbār in the present context appears to be the major wilderness in the southern part of Palestine adjoining Egypt. Pharaoh’s daughter [the Queen of Sheba at this stage] would then be poetically visualized as emerging from the desert … on her way to the fragrant pastures of Palestine, to meet her lover, Solomon.